The reasoning behind Uruguay’s breach of protocol
It all happened last week. On Monday, Walter Cancela,
Uruguay’s Ambassador to the European Union (EU) belied reports suggesting his
government was in favour of the Mercosur entering free trade agreements with
the European bloc, without waiting for the conformity of all member countries.
Brazil’s Dilma Rouseff seems to be choosing this road as well.
Although not specifically mentioned in public statements,
the dissident member states are Argentina and Venezuela.
On Thursday, 4 June, Uruguay’s Foreign Minister Rodolfo Nin
Novoa told the press that Cancela was wrong, that he had spoken out of turn and
that foreign policy decisions are made by the president, Tabaré Vázquez.
Consequently, Nin Novoa said, Cancela would be removed from the job. Later, the
foreign minister then toned down Cancela’s “punishment,” explaining that rogue
ambassador had been slapped on the wrist but not sacked.
Believe it or not, this succession of events was quite
extraordinary. But surely they weren’t the end of the world. Having said that,
it is not the done thing for a government to publicly sack or even tell off an
ambassador posted abroad. Surely all governments reprimand or sack their
diplomats, and possibly quite frequently. But they do it silently and not in
the public eye. In other words: much more diplomatically. (Pun intended.)
The politics behind the affair are relatively easy to
explain. Although President Vázquez belongs to the same party as his
predecessor José “Pepe” Mujica, it is public knowledge that they belong to
different factions within the Frente Amplio, and do not see eye-to-eye on many
issues.
Moreover, Vazquez is known to be even less enamoured than
his predecessor with the current Argentine government. And politicians from
Uruguay — as well as those from Paraguay — have been lobbying against what they
have seen as Argentina’s feet-dragging on an agreement with the EU. As in the
case of Uruguay, there is no love lost for the Mercosur in Paraguay.
But — being the smaller members — both Uruguay and Paraguay
were lonely voices in the Mercosur desert. Until quite recently, that is, when
— perhaps pushed by her country’s current economic difficulties — Rousseff
altered Brazil’s traditional position. She is now in favour of a “two-speed”
agreement. In other words, member states should have the liberty of speeding up
or delaying free trade negotiations with the EU, according to the Brazilian
president.
Good news for Montevideo
The change in Brazil’s policy was good news in Uruguay. In
addition to the president’s position, the opposition shares the negative
perceptions of Mercosur. There are, obviously, some relevant exceptions. Walter
Cancela is one of them. But he is a legacy of Mujica’s time. In fact, the
latter was quick to join the political fray within the Broad Front, and, on
June 4, he went public voicing his disagreement with Vázquez’s position. Which
explains his follower, Cancela’s, rather undisciplined ways.
There is some speculation that the disagreement about the
Mercosur’s direction, between incumbent president and predecessor has also
occurred in Brazil, between Rousseff and former president Luiz Inácio Lula da
Silva. Who — by the way — met President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner last
Saturday to discuss unspecified “regional issues.”
If they chatted abut Mercosur, and were sincere with each
other, they might have agreed that, unfortunately, the Mercosur bloc is at
present far from a shining success story. The list of mutual complaints is
quite long. The current disagreement between Argentina and Brazil about
automobile trade is just one case in point. But, if the two big partners find
it difficult to compromise with each other, there is obviously very little hope
for the smaller and weaker partners. They simply lack the necessary leverage
Likewise, Mercosur does not seem to be very apt as a
negotiating tool with third parties. The discussions about a trade agreement
with the EU started exactly 20 years ago. And it seems quite clear that
nothing, or almost nothing, has been achieved. True, the blame should be placed
both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. But it is also true that other regions have
managed to overcome difficulties and agreements with the EU are now in place.
The Washington effect
But what is even more worrying for the “two-speed” advocates
is the fact that the EU seems likely to conclude a free trade agreement with
the US quite soon. Does this matter? Yes. Other trade partners could suffer
serious damages. And it seems that many decision makers in Brazil, Uruguay and
Paraguay are beginning to feel that the Mercosur is more of a liability than an
asset. And that it is not delivering.
Some even say that the dream of the 1980s needs a complete
overhaul or that it should be replaced by something different and more up to
date.
So much so, that they are prepared to risk serious damage to
the bloc and its future, or the wrath of reluctant partners like Argentina and
Venezuela, in order to move forward over an agreement with the EU, which
potentially seems to be more beneficial.
Possibly, this explains the Uruguay breach of protocol this
week with their ambassador in Brussels, in order to avoid sending the wrong
signals to the possible EU partners.
@andresfederman
CREDITS: BUENOS AIRES HERALD

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