Embracing
the pope and the new world order
It was back
in 1944. In the midst of a meeting about the post-war world, Winston Churchill
was explaining his views about the moral power of the Roman Catholic Church.
Joseph Stalin interrupted him with a sarcastic comment disguised as a question:
“How many divisions does the Pope of Rome have?” Stalin asked , making it clear
that he only believed in military might as a source of power.
More than
70 years later, it is quite clear that those who succeeded Stalin at the
Kremlin — especially after the fall of the Soviet Union — have different views
about the power of the Vatican. Last Wednesday, Vladimir Putin visited the pope
in Rome. It was their second meeting, and the situation in Ukraine was at the
top of their agenda. Putin was not the first Kremlin leader to visit the pope.
Quite
often, Argentines are said to be too self-centred and always ready to be
convinced that whenever anything happens in the world, it must have some kind
of link to Argentina. This writer believes that — perhaps in most occasions —
it is a fair assessment. But, at the same time, in view of some of last week’s
news, a look at the links that associate President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner,
Pope Francis and Vladimir Putin might show some unexpected developments. There
are several facts as well as some indicators, which stem from educated
speculation, that seem to underpin this view.
Some facts:
Russia and Argentina have publicly announced their strategic alliance. The
alliance encompasses technological cooperation in areas like the generation of
nuclear power that is needed by Argentina. Argentina in turn provides food
exports to Russia that are quite important at a time when the EU and the US are
sanctioning Moscow because of Ukraine, especially since there seem to be plans
to extend the enforcement of these sanctions. Also, in political terms,
Argentina supports Russia’s position in its conflict with Ukraine. And Moscow
reciprocates by supporting Argentina’s sovereignty claim over the South
Atlantic Islands. The alliance also implies a shared and critical view of the
United States and of some its important EU partners.
It is also
a fact that, when Jorge Bergoglio became Pope Francis, the Argentine president
was quick to send friendly signals to Rome, putting an end to the several years
of confrontation between the Kirchners and Bergoglio. These signals were
acknowledged and reciprocated in terms of offering quick and quite frequent
access to the Vatican, not only for Cristina, but also for several members of
her inner circle.
Pope
Francis has also made friendly gestures toward Putin. He has not condemned
Russia’s policy on Ukraine, limiting his messages to a call for peace, asking
Christians not to kill each other. And this message had some clearly identified
addressees, including the Russian Orthodox and the Eastern Catholic Churches —
permanently at loggerheads with each other.
Then there
is the informed speculation. First, there is the fact that many top brains in
the government are seriously convinced that the world is quickly changing its
geopolitical shape. They point out at several indicators that range from
China’s new role in the world to the emergence of the BRICS, the association of
Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The economic problems in Europe
underpin the Kirchnerites’ view, who remark that the end of US hegemony is here
or just around the corner. Which, in turn, shows that the way forward is for
strong states that, under regional associations, regulate their economies and
manage — within this framework — their trade and investment relations .
Those who
follow the Vatican closely emphasize the Pope’s activism which he has applied
to hands-on conflict resolution, global in scope from Eastern Europe to the
Middle East. They also insist on assigning a Peronist DNA to Francis,
explaining such identity in terms of a geopolitical view of the world in which
countries should not accept the place pre-assigned to them by the great powers.
As for the
style, it implies the ability to find the adequate political task for each
political leader, which can be determined by the possibility of assigning
specific and appropriate roles to each of them. The obvious resemblance is to
Perón who, from his Madrid exile, managed to be a more than significant player
in Argentina’s politics. The observers speculate that Bergoglio has exactly the
same ability. And that the future he envisages for Ms. Kirchner is that of
being his informal ambassador, operating as a unifier and trouble-shooter in
Latin America. It should be noted that this view, which many will see as a mere
pipedream, was put forward by serious and non-Peronist operators.
CREDITS: BUENOS AIRES HERALD

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