On why the president should be elected to
Parlasur
On a
weekend trip to Montevideo, this reporter was surprised to find an unlikely
supporter for President Cristina Kirchner’s bid to claim a seat in the Mercosur
Parliament. It was in the form of a friend with close ties to Uruguay’s new
President-elect Tabaré Vázquez, who is no fan of his boss’ Argentine
counterpart, but would like to see her taking the helm of South America’s
regional bloc nonetheless.
Political
gossip exchange is a two way street, and with the aid of a generous amount of
Uruguay’s wonderful Tannat red wine, I asked my friend, a member of the Broad
Front, to put the argument to me, in exchange for enduring a grilling on 2015
from his side of the table.
My
interlocutor listened carefully as I first explained the mounting controversy
here over the president’s possible Mercosur candidacy. He immediately made his
opinion clear: the clamourous Argentine opposition has got it wrong. Contrary
to what they say, it would be ideal to see Cristina in that institution.
Let it be
known, this softly-spoken Uruguayan is an expert on European Union theory and
practice. So he knows how regional bodies work. Although he is no
pro-Washington fanatic, he is convinced that Uruguay would be much better off
closer to the US, even if that means being further from Mercosur. But he knows
the inevitable political tensions that would arise between Uruguay and its two
most powerful neighbours, Argentina and Brazil, would be untenable for
Montevideo. Thus Mercosur remains the only available option.
But the
regional body is in desperate need of a revival — and the current Argentine
president could be the person to make this happen, he says.
There are
many items on the agenda of a potential renewal. First, there is the fact that
Mercosur lacks a full-time leader with strong political clout. The three
different agencies which are supposed to lead Mercosur are headed by ministers,
or deputy ministers, from the member countries. They are not full-time officers
and the Mercosur does not seem to be their main priority, with individual
domestic concerns more pressing. By contrast, the first manifestation of what
is today known as the European Union — the European Coal and Steel Community —
was by led by the French political operator Jean Monnet. True, he was not an
elected politician in the traditional sense. But Monnet had cooperated with
French, British and US leaders during the two World Wars, as well as the
interwar period, to forge the basic elements of a long-term regional
integration project. In 1919, France’s Georges Clemenceau and Great Britain’s
Arthur Balfour appointed him deputy secretary-general of the League of Nations.
My friend
remarks that Monnet had a lifelong commitment to the economics of peace, as
well as a forceful and principled personality. So forceful that he ultimately
resigned his position in the League of Nations in 1923, frustrated by the
organization’s lack of effectiveness. He adds that credit for getting the
European unity process in motion also goes to committed politicians such as
Italian statesman Alcide De Gasperi, West Germany’s Konrad Adenauer and
France’s Robert Schuman. He reminds me that each time the EU has appeared to be
sinking to the doldrums of paralysis, it has been under the unfortunate
stewardship of less capable European officials who lacked the clout to make
things work.
Possibly
the strongest complaint that the Uruguayans have against Argentina these days
is protectionism. My interlocutor agrees with Vásquez that although
“legitimate,” trade protectionism does his country no favours. He also points
out that what may be negligible losses for Argentina translate into big deals
for Uruguay. So, Argentina could perhaps be more selective over its
protectionism. But to make that happen, some permanent and efficient mechanisms
should be in place first. He is not alone in this view: only yesterday, this
newspaper made the same point in its editorial.
It is
always interesting to challenge an expert. So I pointed out that it took 27
years to get from that original European Coal and Steel Community to the first
direct elections for a European Parliament. Even back in 1952, the original
organization was better structured than today’s Mercosur. Not to mention the
fact that, to this day, the European Parliament is not as powerful as the
European Council and Commission. The Parlasur is unlikely to be operational any
time in the near future, and its powers will be more than limited once it is
finally here.
With a
cheeky smile, my friend explains that the beauty of Cristina Kirchner being
elected to Parlasur is not the additional status that she will accrue — even
though this is something she will no doubt enjoy wholeheartedly. It’s that the
position will truly afford her the necessary credentials to push things
forward.
In his
view, she has several things working in her favour. First, there is her current
high-profile which, by the way, she obviously enjoys. Then there is her strong
political ambition and equally strong will to make her own mark on history. She
seems to have a strong commitment to South American unity, I’m told, coupled
with (or perhaps triggered by) a certain rejection of the “powers that be” — by
which he means the EU and the US. And then there is her personality, which can
rub people the wrong way, but can get things done.
She is
authoritative (possibly authoritarian?) and wants things done without too much
regard for any institutional intricacies that may arise. She would be able to
use both her credentials and her personality to shake Mercosur out of its
inertia and cut through regional red tape. Some of the institution’s mechanisms
are quite basic, but they could be used to breathe new life into Mercosur. And
to do this, says the expert, you have to kick some ass. This does not
necessarily require a seat in the still non-existent Parlasur, but rather
access to a platform from which to do a bit of targeted screaming and look
irate every now and then. And judging by her TV performances, she is still very
good at that.
@andresfederman
CRADITS: BUENOS AIRES HERALD

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