It’s no
news Argentina indulges in protectionist policies. Predictably, a number of
commercial partners exercised their right to take the matter to the World Trade
Organization. It ruled against Argentina. At a time when all eyes are on the
confrontation with the holdouts/vultures and Judge Griesa, a slap on the wrist
on a trade issue is unlikely to trigger much excitement.
A default —
be it temporary, partial or said to be non-existent — is much more of a clear
and present danger than a trade controversy. The memories of 2001 are still
around.
Even if the
issue of default is being exaggerated — as some government members seem to
believe — the confrontation between the rather picturesque New York judge and
the president and her loyal followers has an epic appearance that makes it
quite attractive. Griesa fits very easily in the role of the person you like to
dislike. By contrast, only low-profile grey-haired bureaucrats deal with trade
grievances at the WTO. Hardly an attractive target for a crusade. But foreign
debt being the main conflictive element of many periods of Argentine history,
Griesa and the holdout / vultures seem to be the perfect tailor-made enemy to
play on patriotic sentiment. Free trade is not.
As a matter
of fact, Argentina is far from having a tradition of free trade. Many local
industrial fortunes and many well-paid jobs flourished behind the walls of
protectionism. And although the love of imported goodies is part of Argentine
culture, so were the days when prices and salaries depended only on local
market conditions. Was this an impediment for the development of a viable, globally
competitive, industry? Perhaps. But, at almost any moment in time, the short
term benefits of protection were much more tangible — for many — than the long
term benefits of competition. And Lord Keynes was very clear on this: “In the
long run, we are all dead.”
There are
also some practical reasons not to be too worried about the WTO. The next steps
of this choreography are quite predictable. Appeals (possibly unsuccessful)
will be followed by negotiations and requests for extra time to adjust. All this
implies longish processes. (Lord Keynes, again.) Moreover, Argentina has a bit
of a trump card. Because the bulk of exports to the main plaintiffs (US, EU and
Japan) are agricultural commodities, the victors might have to think twice
about imposing the sanctions allowed by the WTO because some could backfire on
their own local importers.
However,
before placing the country’s trade problems in the bottom drawer of government
officials’ desks or at the back of the minds of politicians and commentators,
there is a point to be noted. While at the WTO, Argentine protectionism is only
one of many issues, it is an open wound for our next-door neighbours. The
Brazilian business sector is less than happy with Argentina. But Brazil being
Brazil, it has the means to contain the damage of a trade dispute. It will
agitate business chambers, government officials, specialized journalists but
hardly anybody else.
That is not
the case with our smaller neighbours, Uruguay and Paraguay. They are much more
vulnerable to the vagaries of Argentina’s trade policies. Uruguay presents the
additional problem of its dependence on Argentine tourism which makes the
country an unwilling partner of Buenos Aires’ foreign exchange restrictions.
The popular saying is that when Argentina sneezes its neighbours get the flu.
Not a fatal pneumonia, mind you. But the flu can be quite irritating. And it
could be ideal as political ammunition.
In Uruguay,
which is in the midst of a presidential election campaign, comments about
“Pepe” Mujica’s excessive patience with Argentina are frequent enough to cause
concern. In the case of Paraguay things are not much better. The recent
presidential visit to Asunción did not break much ice, if one has to go by the
editorial comments of the local media. Most of them focused on the country’s
grievances with Argentina — trade was definitely one of them — and remarked
that Buenos Aires has not yet replaced its Ambassador to Asuncion whom was
called back at the time of Lugo’s ousting back in 2012.
Becoming
part of the political agenda within another country is — almost always — bad
news. It is difficult to counter negative views without becoming involved in
local political infighting and making matters worse. And any uncontested views
are likely to remain in the public’s glare. Any which way, you lose.
Ideally,
Mercosur should be the supranational space where these matters could be sorted
out. But it seems to have become a forum mostly limited to rhetoric. One
exception were the sanctions against Paraguay on account of Lugo’s impeachment.
Production of statements on several issues — like debt — has been generous.
Conflict resolution within Mercosur much less so.
Do the two
small neighbours need Argentina? Very much so. But nothing is cast in stone.
And it would be a serious setback if one or both countries decide they are
better off strengthening extra-regional alliances or prioritizing Brasilia over
Buenos Aires. Argentina’s government and opposition could do worse than
thinking about this in the time left free by Griesa and Co.
@andresfederman
CREDITS: BUENOS AIRES HERALD
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