To say that
the US and Argentine governments do not see eye to eye on the ways and means of
dealing with the challenge of drug trafficking is more than an understatement.
Last week, Security Secretary Sergio Berni rebuked what sounded like a US State
Department’s critical comment about Argentina still facing “the challenge of
controlling the Triple Frontier” with the phrase “they export death.”
There are,
in fact, some clear and present policy differences between both countries. One
case in point is the role of the military in combating drug trafficking.
To cite the
US’ Joint Military Southern Command’s mission statement: “We work with our
partners to address the growing threat of transnational organized crime (...)
Drug trafficking represents the epicentre of illicit trafficking, serving as
the predominant means by which Transnational Criminal Organizations obtain
money and increased power in the region” (http://www.southcom.mil/ourmissions).
The
Argentine position is that the armed forces have no business in fighting crime.
As this daily reported on January 18, Defence Minister Agustín Rossi pointed
out that “the National Defence Law prevents the Armed Forces from taking part
in any kind of domestic activity” and made it clear that “President Cristina
Fernández de Kirchner was not planning to reopen the debate on the issue.” Some
readers might think that this is in blatant contradiction with the Army’s
current participation in social work. They may be right.
But back to
the drugs issue. There is abundant evidence that a number of consignments which
leave Argentina, have Europe as a point of arrival. Just remember the 944
kilograms of cocaine seized by the authorities on arrival in Spain, in an
aircraft chartered by — at least — one of the Juliá brothers back in 2011.
Consequently, a number of EU countries cooperate permanently with Argentina.
And this “condemns” the US and Argentina to cooperate with each other, given
that both share partnerships with the Europeans. In fact it seems safe to say
that — in spite of the shouting matches — the US’ DEA and Argentina cooperate
already.
But over
and above policy differences, international cooperation in this kind of issues
often presents practical problems. Take the case of the so-called “controlled
deliveries.” It involves one drug enforcement authority letting a detected
consignment leave its frontiers, in coordination with their counterparts in the
destination country. This allows the latter to tail the consignment in order to
capture the recipients and get hold of the big fish. Wise as this might seem,
it has difficulties. In the case of Argentina, the power to authorize such an
operation rests with the judiciary. But in many European countries, the
authority is in the hands of the enforcement agencies. And reaching agreements
between those two different lines of business is not always easy. This is just
one example of why good cooperation relations are necessary. Even for hardened
professional law-enforcement people, life is easier if their masters are not
exchanging derogatory comments.
So what
triggered the last confrontation? It is suggested that too many words with too
little spin. Take, for example, the first salvo about the triple frontier. It
is no secret that the place is a trouble spot. Argentina knows, and the US
knows that Argentina knows. So the wording of the report seemed aimed at
putting more pressure on Argentina to work harder and — possibly — to allow the
US to offer more help. Or to get involved. But those that drafted the State
Department’s report, and whoever cleared it for publication, did not take into
account Argentina’s internal political situation. It was quite predictable that
the opposition press and politicians would pick up the report’s message and use
it to fire a broadside against the government.
Berni’s
harsh words were — in this context — almost predictable, given the
“Cristinista” political style. Berni raised the ante and was — many would say —
outright insulting. It was his way of saying “we do not give in to pressure and
you know it, so you are not being helpful.” In fact, if the US wanted to
achieve any kind of change, it had many more chances to achieve the objective
through discreet negotiations.
But Sergio
Berni also lost. Government administration, included specifically-targeted funding
is not decided by gods. They are decided by frail individuals. And among these
frailties we should count that of not liking to be called “death exporters.” So
any Argentine application to Washington for funding in that class of issues, or
other kind of help, might be rejected or delayed.
So what to
do next time? — and sooner or later there will be a next time. A healthy ration
of spin used by both sides could do the trick. For the unaware: “spin” is a
word coined in the US but then re-coined in the UK — and to the level of total
copyright ownership — by former Prime Minister Tony Blair’s people. It
essentially means: “Twist and turn so as to give an intended interpretation to
a message in order to make it less embarrassing.” Please note. It is not about
lying. It is about all involved limiting embarrassment.
@andresfederman
Credits: BUENOS AIRES HERALD

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